Visualizzazione post con etichetta Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Mostra tutti i post
Visualizzazione post con etichetta Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Mostra tutti i post

lunedì 4 luglio 2011

Distruggendo Ophelia: la presunzione d’innocenza a senso unico nel caso Strauss-Kahn

[Incollo qui un articolo di Gennaro Carotenuto, che racconta molto bene come stanno trattando i media italiani, ma non solo, il caso Strauss-Kahn.
Ogni volta che incrocio il telegiornale ho un conato di vomito.
]

Giovanna Botteri spiattella da ore su tutti i canali Rai che Ophelia, la cameriera africana del caso Strauss-Kahn, abbia denunciato l’ex-direttore dell’FMI per stupro dopo un rapporto mercenario non pagato. E poi giù a sviscerare dettagli su come la puttana africana esercitasse il suo –presunto- secondo lavoro. Non si preoccupa, lei e molti altri mainstream, di citare la fonte di tali rivelazioni trattate come verità processuali.
Eppure non bisogna andare tanto lontano per essere indotti alla prudenza. Maurizio Molinari de La Stampa avverte che: “Lo rivela il N.Y.Post (giornale scandalistico che nulla ha a che vedere col New York Times, ndr) imbeccato dagli avvocati difensori”.
Il pezzo di Molinari è prezioso nel restituirci un contesto:
i tabloid di New York sono inondati da rivelazioni su «Ophelia» provenienti quasi sempre da ambienti vicini alla difesa dell’ex direttore esecutivo del Fmi, che punta a creare un’atmosfera favorevole al completo proscioglimento quando, il 18 luglio, si celebrerà la prossima udienza.
Fortunatamente qualcuno ogni tanto si ricorda di fare il giornalista e di restituire un frammento della complessità del mondo che ci circonda e non solo una semplificazione compiacente. Tutto ciò non significa che Ophelia, che ha un nome, Nafissatou Diallo (e la difesa della privatezza della quale è da tempo un vezzo dei media che fingono di essere politicamente corretti nei suoi confronti), non possa aver mentito in tutto o in parte. Non significa neanche che Dominique Strauss-Kahn non possa essere stato vittima di una falsa denuncia o perfino di un complotto ordito dalla Spectre. La Rete, che come sempre in questi casi dà il meglio e il peggio di sé, ne è già piena, millantando di una regia occulta di Nicolas Sarkozy dall’Eliseo oppure di una presunta trappola liberista dall’interno dell’FMI contro il presunto keynesiano Strauss-Kahn. Un complotto della destra contro il nostro campione di sinistra insomma, magari tendente a mettere il dirigente politico francese sullo stesso piano del re di bunga bunga e tutto si tiene, dalle scie chimiche all’11 settembre.
In Rete, ancor più che nei media tradizionali, dove pure Vittorio Feltri ha offerto pezzi di –invereconda- bravura “adesso uno non è più libero neanche di farsi una scopata”), riemerge l’Italia di sempre, la stessa che negli anni ‘60 avrebbe mandato al rogo Franca Viola e che ancora ieri provava onanistico piacere a bersi che con un jeans attillato non possa esserci stupro. E allora eccoli lì a riprodurre un eterno immaginario maschile da porno-soft anni ‘70 per il quale una cameriera d’albergo è una merce disponibile. Quindi DSK avrebbe potuto avere tutte le donne che voleva (sic) e di conseguenza sarebbe innocente perché non avrebbe potuto desiderare la signora, che si preoccupano di descriverci come non piacente. In alternativa una poveraccia come Ophelia mai avrebbe potuto resistere al fascino (i soldi, il potere, perfino il bianco della pelle) di quell’uomo e quindi non avrebbe potuto non essere consenziente.
E’ a questa Italia (ma anche Francia, Stati Uniti e quant’altro) che, con temeraria pazienza, vanno ricordate alcune cose terra terra:
1) La presunzione d’innocenza esiste anche per le cenerentole africane e non solo per i principi azzurri francesi.
2) Perfino una prostituta può non desiderare un rapporto sessuale e qualora le venga imposto, strano ma vero, è stupro.
3) Una donna stuprata ha il diritto di non essere Santa Maria Goretti. Può avere frequentazioni equivoche, perfino precedenti penali e può perfino pensare di trarre vantaggio dall’accaduto.
4) La straordinaria disparità di mezzi economici, di cultura, di classe, non può non essere parte fondamentale della lettura di una notizia come questa.
Indipendentemente da cosa sia materialmente successo in quella camera d’albergo esistono dei rapporti di forza ben più profondi di quelli del poter mettere in campo avvocati milionari o del potersi permettere strategie mediatiche aventi come obbiettivo la demolizione della controparte. Neanche più le soap opera offrono letture così terra terra come quella che il mainstream sta dando al caso.

Strauss-Khan, Erica Jong: «Copione vecchio. La donna diventa imputata»

«Il fatto che una povera disgraziata abbia pensato di trarre vantaggio dalle proprie sventure è comprensibile»

DAL NOSTRO CORRISPONDENTE
NEW YORK - «Sono indignata, come dovrebbe esserlo ogni uomo e ogni donna intelligente, dagli ultimi sviluppi dell'affare Strauss-Kahn. Non mi meraviglierei se alla prossima udienza il caso fosse prosciolto, consentendo all'ex capo dell'FMI persino di ricandidarsi e magari vincere».
Erica Jong, la celebre scrittrice femminista autrice di tanti bestseller tra cui Paura di volare, La ballata di ogni donna e Sedurre il demonio non ha dubbi: «Siamo di fronte al replay di un copione vecchio come il mondo - spiega - un copione in cui la vittima viene trasformata in colpevole e il colpevole in vittima. Sotto i riflettori, adesso, è rimasta solo la cameriera e nessuno parla più dello stupratore».
Eppure la guineana si è rivelata una bugiarda.
«Ciò non elimina il fatto che sia stata stuprata: le prove del Dna sono inoppugnabili. DSK è colpevole e nessuno ha messo in dubbio che l'abbia assaltata sessualmente. Anche il fatto che una povera disgraziata abbia pensato di trarre economicamente vantaggio dalle proprie sventure è comprensibile».
Ma se persino il pubblico ministero adesso la sta scaricando.
«Il District Attorney (procuratore, ndr) ha agito così non perché non creda più allo stupro di cui, lo ripeto, esistono prove del Dna, ma perché si è convinto di non poter più vincere ad un eventuale processo. La credibilità della donna si è incrinata e i legali della difesa la farebbero a pezzi dal momento in cui salirebbe sul banco dei testimoni».
È rimasta sorpresa dall'ultimo colpo di scena?
«No. DSK ha un'equipe di avvocati formidabile contro cui i pubblici ministeri sanno di non poter competere. I bravi difensori in America costano caro e solo chi se li può permettere sa che sono soldi spesi bene».

Il legale della cameriera Kenneth Thompson ha denunciato il conflitto di interesse perché una avvocata del District Attorney (la procura) è sposata con uno dei legali di Strauss-Kahn.
«Mi risulta che la donna abbia chiesto e ottenuto di non occuparsi del caso. Il punto che mi preme sottolineare è un altro». Cioè?
«Nei sistemi giudiziari di mezzo mondo è sempre la donna a finire sul banco degli imputati. Basta guardare cosa è successo in Italia con il caso Amanda Knox, additata da tutti come la vera colpevole al posto di Rudy Guede e Raffaele Sollecito. Succede dal Medioevo, quando il test per determinare se una donna era una strega consisteva nel buttarla nel fiume: se restava a galla era colpevole, se affogava innocente».
Che cosa ha pensato oggi nel leggere i giornali?
«Ad Anita Hill e al fatto che Clarence Thomas, il giudice della Corte Suprema "assolto" dall'accusa di averla molestata sessualmente, si è poi rivelato un bugiardo patentato. Questo tipo di problema esisterà finché le donne continueranno ad allearsi con gli uomini contro altre donne, nella convinzione errata che il potere è sempre e solo maschile e le donne non potranno mai averlo ne esercitarlo. Questo caso insegna alle nostre figlie e nipoti che le donne non hanno potere e che se ti lamenti finisci male».
Come hanno reagito le femministe americane dopo la revoca degli arresti domiciliari a DSK?
«Le femministe americane sembrano immerse in un grande sonno collettivo e sarebbe ora di svegliarle».
Cosa pensa della moglie di DSK, Anne Sinclair, rimasta accanto al marito fedifrago sin dal primo instante?
«Sicuramente lo ama. Ma la sua è anche ambizione politica: la Sinclair vuole diventare la First Lady della Francia ed è disposta a tutto pur di riuscirci».
Le sue chance appaiono notevolmente ridotte.
«Io credo che suo marito abbia ancora un futuro all'Eliseo e anzi sono certa che utilizzerà quanto è successo per trarre il massimo vantaggio politico».
03 luglio 2011 11:48 Fonte corriere.it

venerdì 27 maggio 2011

Sex, Lies, Arrogance: What Makes Powerful Men Behave So Badly?

When her husband Dominique Strauss-Kahn was preparing to run for President of France five years ago, Anne Sinclair told a Paris newspaper that she was "rather proud" of his reputation as a ladies' man, a chaud lapin (hot rabbit) nicknamed the Great Seducer."It's important," she said, "for a man in politics to be able to seduce."
Maybe it was pride that inspired French politicians and International Monetary Fund officials to look the other way as the rumors about "DSK" piled up, from the young journalist who says Strauss-Kahn tried to rip off her clothes when she went to interview him, to the female lawmaker who describes being groped and pawed and vowed never to be in a room alone with him again, to the economist who argued in a letter to IMF investigators that "I fear that this man has a problem that, perhaps, made him unfit to lead an institution where women work under his command." Maybe it was the moral laziness and social coziness that impel elites to protect their own. Maybe it was a belief that he alone could save the global economy. Maybe nothing short of jail is disqualifying for certain men in certain circles.

But in any event, the arrest of Strauss-Kahn in New York City for allegedly trying to rape a hotel maid has ignited a fierce debate over sex, law, power and privilege. And it is only just beginning. The night of Strauss-Kahn's arraignment, former California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger admitted that the reason his wife Maria Shriver walked out earlier this year was the discovery that he had fathered a child more than a decade ago with a former member of the household staff. The two cases are far apart: only one man was hauled off to jail. But both suggest an abuse of power and a betrayal of trust. And both involve men whose long-standing reputations for behaving badly toward women did not derail their rise to power. Which raises the question: How can it be, in this ostensibly enlightened age, when men and women live and work as peers and are schooled regularly in what conduct is acceptable and what is actionable, that anyone with so little judgment, so little honor, could rise to such heights?

Crime and Culture Wars
Let's note first that Strauss-Kahn is innocent until proved guilty and, second, that if he is guilty, he is not a player — he's a predator. This was not just a French version of an American classic, the Family Values Virtuecrat, who preaches by day and trysts by night. Nor was Strauss-Kahn a fallen star like Tiger Woods or Charlie Sheen or one of the libidinous lawmakers and Luv Guvs whose confessions can be as infuriating as their sins. Strauss-Kahn was not accused of seducing his close friend's wife, like former Senator John Ensign, or patronizing prostitutes while prosecuting prostitution rings, like former New York governor Eliot Spitzer, or lying about an affair while impeaching a President for lying about an affair, like Newt Gingrich. On the spectrum that starts at randy, runs through creepy and ends in handcuffs, where DSK belonged became a matter of global dispute even before it became a matter for a grand jury.

This is what the alleged victim told the police: On May 14, at the Sofitel in midtown Manhattan, the maid, a 32-year-old African immigrant, entered the $3,000-a-night suite around midday to clean, thinking it was empty. When she went into a bedroom, Strauss-Kahn emerged naked from the bathroom; when she apologized and tried to leave, according to a police spokesperson, he chased her down, grabbed her and locked the door. He tried to assault her in the bedroom before dragging her to the bathroom and making her perform oral sex. She eventually fled the suite; hotel staff called the police, who caught up with him sitting in his first-class seat on the Air France flight from JFK to Paris — where he could have been safe from extradition.

With his arrest, a transatlantic culture war broke out. Strauss-Kahn was the world's wallet, a shrewd and nimble financier who had rescued the IMF from irrelevance in time to save the European economy. He was the favorite to defeat Nicolas Sarkozy for the French presidency next year. He had friends everywhere who called him far too brilliant to do anything so tawdry, as though being smart and being decent were the same thing. Newspapers in Paris couldn't decide on the headline. "Shock. Political Bomb. Thunderclap," blared the left-leaning paper Libération. The New York Daily News went with "Le Perv." The French, who forbid photographing a suspect in handcuffs on the grounds that it violates the presumption of innocence, were aghast at what followed: "Death by media," one former Socialist minister called it. "If you don't want to do the perp walk, don't do the crime," New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg fired back, which only confirmed the French objection.
Strauss-Kahn was charged with offenses including criminal sex acts, unlawful imprisonment and attempted rape, for which he could face up to 25 years. He pleaded not guilty at his arraignment; his lawyers suggested that whatever might have occurred was consensual. His wife had wired $1 million for bail, they said — but concluding that a man pulled off a flight constituted a flight risk, the judge denied it.

And so he sat in a cell at Rikers Island, a short flight but a long fall from his $4 million Georgetown home and the life he had come to lead. He was on suicide watch; the victim and her teenage daughter were moved to a safe house to protect them from the cameras — but that did not stop the French press from publishing her name and background or the New York Post from reporting that she was a widow who lives in a Bronx apartment set aside for adults with HIV, a claim her lawyer called "outrageous."
So much for the famous European indifference to the private sex lives of its leaders. DSK's situation is more serious even than that of Italy's embattled Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, 74, who has been on trial for corruption, tax fraud and, most relevant, having sex with an underage prostitute and then using his office to cover it up. These cases are the exception; they will both play out in court, with evidence presented and witnesses called and the conduct of the accused judged by the standards of the law. In many instances of sexual conflict, it never comes to this but unfolds in a murmur of rumors and gossip, even nudges and winks. More often than not, the women involved weigh the stakes and decide to be silent, judging that the burden of proof is high and that they have little to gain and so much to lose. It's no coincidence that when events like this happen, women come out of the shadows to add their testimony; they figure the odds have improved enough that they just might be believed.


Shifting Standards
By now social commentators have the explanations on auto-save: We know that powerful men can be powerfully reckless, particularly when, like DSK, they stand at the brink of their grandest achievement. They tend to be risk takers or at least assess risk differently — as do narcissists who come to believe that ordinary rules don't apply. They are often surrounded by enablers with a personal or political interest in protecting them to the point of covering up their follies, indiscretions and crimes. A study set to be published in Psychological Science found that the higher men — or women — rose in a business hierarchy, the more likely they were to consider or commit adultery. With power comes both opportunity and confidence, the authors argue, and with confidence comes a sense of sexual entitlement. If fame and power make sex more constantly available, the evolutionary biologists explain, it may weaken the mechanisms of self-restraint and erode the layers of socialization that we impose on teenage boys and hope they eventually internalize.
"When men have more opportunity, they tend to act on that opportunity," says psychologist Mark Held, a private practitioner in the Denver area who specializes in male sexuality and the problems of overachievers. "The challenge becomes developing ways to control the impulses so you don't get yourself into self-defeating situations."

Nature matters, but so does nurture. Members of royal families are born into a world of indulgence and entitlement, and the princelings who grow up that way may never have to develop any discipline. Athletes often start life at the opposite end of the wealth-and-prestige spectrum, but as soon as they exhibit an unusual talent for swinging a bat or sinking a free throw, often early in adolescence, they may become a kind of local royalty and find that the rules have been suspended for them. They are waved through school and into the pros, and bad behavior is overlooked or covered up. Any skills they may have been developing for self-control or self-denial quickly deteriorate.
But what of reason, of basic survival instincts? Enter politics and you enter the glass house; there are no secrets and no places to hide. One of the temporarily persuasive defenses of Bill Clinton when he faced charges of carrying on with the intern delivering the pizza was that this savvy Rhodes scholar could not possibly be so foolish as to imagine that anything in the White House goes unnoticed, unrecorded or unrepeated. When John Edwards' affair and love child with his videographer — the very woman in charge of documenting his career — became known, Democrats were confounded that he had ever imagined he could run for office again.
As for Schwarzenegger's latest revelation, it was agony to imagine what must have run through Maria Shriver's head when she discovered the truth. Here she was, daughter of a great political dynasty with its own zipper issues, who had drawn on her feminist capital to save her husband's career at a crucial moment in his gubernatorial campaign. In 2003, more than a dozen women accused him of harassing and groping them through the years, including on the set of his film Predator. Shriver testified to his character in words that voters believed: "You can listen to all the negativity, and you can listen to people who have never met Arnold, who met him for five seconds 30 years ago," she said. "Or you can listen to me."

Now it emerges that even as she was defending his honor, he was deceiving both her and the voters. Confronted by the Los Angeles Times, he admitted that all along he had been supporting the child he had with an employee more than a decade ago. That finally explained why, back in January, Shriver moved out of the house.

Rise and Risk
Anne Sinclair, on the other hand, is standing by her man. "I do not believe for one second the accusations brought against my husband," she said. "I have no doubt his innocence will be established." But he has not made her faith in him come easy. Through his years as a top economics professor, Finance Minister and Socialist superstar, not to mention three marriages, Strauss-Kahn acquired the reputation of a serial seducer. French newspapers reported that Sarkozy had warned him, upon his taking the IMF job in 2007, to "avoid taking the elevator alone with interns. France cannot permit a scandal."
A year after taking the job, in a very public scandal, Strauss-Kahn was rebuked by the IMF for "a serious error of judgment" for his affair with Piroska Nagy, a Hungarian-born economist who worked for him. He was not charged with abusing his position, but he apologized publicly and in an e-mail to IMF staff. She warned at the time that he had put her in an impossible position, fearful of the fallout if she were to resist his advances. That followed even-more-serious yet undisclosed allegations from a young journalist named Tristane Banon, now 31, the goddaughter of DSK's second wife. She claims that when she came to interview DSK in 2002, the encounter turned into a violent attack. "We ended up fighting, since I clearly said, 'No, no,' " she said in a TV interview five years later. "It was more than a couple of slaps. I kicked him. He undid my bra, tried to remove my jeans ... It finished very badly." As soon as she fled, she said, he sent her a text: "So, are you scared of me?"
(See the Top 10 Elite Fighting Units.)
She didn't press charges, in part because her mother, Anne Mansouret, a local Socialist official, talked her out of it. Other women with similar experiences say they were afraid that challenging a man so powerful in a culture so tolerant would bring them only ridicule and pain. Paris lawyer Emmanuel Pierrat recalls a young woman who told him of a violent encounter with Strauss-Kahn. "She wanted to know whether I thought what I heard would form the basis for a solid legal case," Pierrat says. "I told her I did." In the end she decided to drop the complaint, fearing the media circus, the very good chance she'd be accused of being a liar or worse. "In addition to my client, I also have a personal friend who came to me and described an unwanted, forceful sexual advance by Strauss-Kahn that she was forced to literally fight off," Pierrat says. "They're all essentially the same account, the same kind of behavior, with only the places changed." Yet once again, no charges were ever filed, and Strauss-Kahn was never investigated for any misconduct.

He was, however, a fatalist. Barely two weeks before his arrest, he had a quiet conversation with Libération editors and admitted that the three obstacles if he were to run for President would be "money, women and being a Jew." In fact, until the Sofitel scandal, the political challenge facing DSK was less his lechery than his lifestyle; it's hard to be a Socialist icon living the life of a plutocrat. Photographs of him climbing into a friend's $142,000 Porsche caused a furor, raising charges on the left that he was a "champagne Socialist." He even sued a Paris tabloid for writing that he was outfitted by a Washington tailor whose suits are reported to run for anywhere from $7,000 to $35,000 apiece.
This was, in other words, a man of great contradictions with a great deal to lose, and his defenders and like-minded conspiracy theorists were quick to suspect a setup. Strauss-Kahn, they argued, was not the type to force himself on anyone. Admirers were more likely to throw themselves at him. Yes, he had a weakness for women, said his second wife Brigitte Guillemette: "But that doesn't mean that he could have done what he is accused of. I don't think I ever saw him lock a door. Violence is not part of his temperament. He has many faults but not that one."
The defense escalated into all-out cultural battle: On the one hand, it was the French who came up with the notion of droit du seigneur, the special sexual liberties that the ruling class can enjoy. Social critics in the U.S. condemned the code of silence that prevented women from speaking up, the mentality that replaces Bourbon Kings with bureaucratic functionaries whose academic pedigree and choice of public service confer an automatic halo upon them. On the other hand, from various tony arrondissements, there was much outcry that the alleged victim was allowed to remain anonymous while DSK's perp walk made front pages around the world. "What do we know about the chambermaid?" was a headline in Le Monde. High-flying philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy took to the Daily Beast, a news website, to deplore a "grand" hotel that sent in only one maid (a buddy system would presumably be safer) and denounced the judge for not showing Lévy's longtime friend the respect befitting an alleged rapist of his international standing. The judge, Lévy complained, "pretended to take him for a subject of justice like any other," even though he was a defender of the "proletarian nations" and "the most fragile and vulnerable" among us.
Of course, if the charges prove true, the most fragile and vulnerable among us will seem to have been his preferred targets, in this case a maid who, had this happened in Paris rather than New York, would likely have thought long and hard before daring to report even a violent attack by a man in a $3,000 suite. If the French elite were appalled that an illustrious man, convicted thus far of no crimes, could be treated this way, Americans were appalled that he expected to be treated differently.
"The transatlantic divide has really reopened," says Corine Lesnes, Washington correspondent for Le Monde. But she admits this episode will lead to some "soul searching" in the French media about whether the private lives of public figures need to be handled differently.

The defense escalated into all-out cultural battle: On the one hand, it was the French who came up with the notion of droit du seigneur, the special sexual liberties that the ruling class can enjoy. Social critics in the U.S. condemned the code of silence that prevented women from speaking up, the mentality that replaces Bourbon Kings with bureaucratic functionaries whose academic pedigree and choice of public service confer an automatic halo upon them. On the other hand, from various tony arrondissements, there was much outcry that the alleged victim was allowed to remain anonymous while DSK's perp walk made front pages around the world. "What do we know about the chambermaid?" was a headline in Le Monde. High-flying philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy took to the Daily Beast, a news website, to deplore a "grand" hotel that sent in only one maid (a buddy system would presumably be safer) and denounced the judge for not showing Lévy's longtime friend the respect befitting an alleged rapist of his international standing. The judge, Lévy complained, "pretended to take him for a subject of justice like any other," even though he was a defender of the "proletarian nations" and "the most fragile and vulnerable" among us.
Of course, if the charges prove true, the most fragile and vulnerable among us will seem to have been his preferred targets, in this case a maid who, had this happened in Paris rather than New York, would likely have thought long and hard before daring to report even a violent attack by a man in a $3,000 suite. If the French elite were appalled that an illustrious man, convicted thus far of no crimes, could be treated this way, Americans were appalled that he expected to be treated differently.
"The transatlantic divide has really reopened," says Corine Lesnes, Washington correspondent for Le Monde. But she admits this episode will lead to some "soul searching" in the French media about whether the private lives of public figures need to be handled differently.

What matters is not prudishness — we've left that far behind — but prudence, a sense that public figures should be discouraged from destroying themselves and their families, even if we gawk at the results when they do. And principle: that power is a privilege not to be abused. The cases that involve a lawmaker chasing pages around the cloakroom or a boss cornering a junior employee or a professor pressuring a student for sex all deserve to be taken seriously. And in cases that involve actual violence, they need to be treated like the crimes they are.
— Reported by Bruce Crumley and Jeffrey T. Iverson / Paris; Jeffrey Kluger / New York; and Massimo Calabresi and Katy Steinmetz / Washington

Fonte: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2072527,00.html

LinkWithin

Related Posts Plugin for WordPress, Blogger...